George Friedman of the intelligence firm StratFor wrote the most lucid and penetrating article I have yet read about the recent wave of protests and revolutions in the Middle East. Some of the more illuminating points he makes are:
“We do not see these revolutions as a vast conspiracy by radical Islamists to take control of the region. A conspiracy that vast is easily detected, and the security forces of the individual countries would have destroyed the conspiracies quickly.”
“In this case, whatever the cause of the risings, there is no question that radical Islamists will attempt to take advantage and control of them. Why wouldn't they? It is a rational and logical course for them. Whether they will be able to do so is a more complex and important question, but that they would want to and are trying to do so is obvious. They are a broad, transnational and disparate group brought up in conspiratorial methods. This is their opportunity to create a broad international coalition. Thus, as with traditional communists and the New Left in the 1960s, they did not create the rising but they would be fools not to try to take advantage of it.”
This is what conspiracy theorists don’t get. The world is just too complicated for anyone to control. Of course, this fact doesn’t prevent professional revolutionaries from trying.
“It is interesting here to note that the young frequently dominate revolutions like 1848, 1969 and 1989 at first. This is normal. Adults with families and maturity rarely go out on the streets to face guns and tanks. It takes young people to have the courage or lack of judgment to risk their lives in what might be a hopeless cause. However, to succeed, it is vital that at some point other classes of society join them. In Iran, one of the key moments of the 1979 revolution was when the shopkeepers joined young people in the street. A revolution only of the young, as we saw in 1968 for example, rarely succeeds. A revolution requires a broader base than that, and it must go beyond demonstrations. The moment it goes beyond the demonstration is when it confronts troops and police. If the demonstrators disperse, there is no revolution. If they confront the troops and police, and if they carry on even after they are fired on, then you are in a revolutionary phase. Thus, pictures of peaceful demonstrators are not nearly as significant as the media will have you believe, but pictures of demonstrators continuing to hold their ground after being fired on is very significant.”
“This leads to the key event in the revolution. The revolutionaries cannot defeat armed men. But if those armed men, in whole or part, come over to the revolutionary side, victory is possible. And this is the key event. In Bahrain, the troops fired on demonstrators and killed some. The demonstrators dispersed and then were allowed to demonstrate - with memories of the gunfire fresh. This was a revolution contained. In Egypt, the military and police opposed each other and the military sided with the demonstrators, for complex reasons obviously. Personnel change, if not regime change, was inevitable. In Libya, the military has split wide open.”
“It is this act, the military and police coming over to the side of the demonstrators, that makes or breaks a revolution. Therefore, to return to the earlier theme, the most important question on the role of radical Islamists is not their presence in the crowd, but their penetration of the military and police. If there were a conspiracy, it would focus on joining the military, waiting for demonstrations and then striking.”
This is a very illuminating point about the limits of power. The source of a strongman’s power is the military, so he needs a big army; but the only way to have a big army is though conscription; but with conscription, most of the army consists of civilians on loan. How many 18-year-old kids are willing to shoot their brothers and fathers? The Hungarian Revolution of 1956 started because the army - sent out to squash the protests - joined them. Now the protesters had tanks. This lesson was not lost on the Soviet Union. The Red Army took great pains to make sure conscripts served in a different part of the Soviet Union. In Tiananmen Square, the units sent to crush the pro-democracy protesters were trucked in from the furthest corner of China.
What a dictator really needs is a large professional army, but only a handful of liberal democracies like the US, Great Britain and France have been able to afford that – and only at great cost. In all of these countries, the threat of a dictatorship is very small, but still, it is one of the reasons I favour conscription for Canada.
“Those who argue that these risings have nothing to do with radical Islam may be correct in the sense that the demonstrators in the streets may well be students enamored with democracy. But they miss the point that the students, by themselves, can't win. They can only win if the regime wants them to, as in Egypt, or if other classes and at least some of the police or military - people armed with guns who know how to use them - join them. Therefore, looking at the students on TV tells you little. Watching the soldiers tells you much more.
The problem with revolutions is that the people who start them rarely finish them. The idealist democrats around Alexander Kerensky in Russia were not the ones who finished the revolution. The thuggish Bolsheviks did. In these Muslim countries, the focus on the young demonstrators misses the point just as it did in Tiananmen Square. It wasn't the demonstrators that mattered, but the soldiers. If they carried out orders, there would be no revolution.”
This is what the mainstream media doesn’t get but conservatives do. Radical Islam might not have started these uprisings but they might be the ones benefiting from them.
“If I were to guess at this point, I would guess that we are facing 1848. The Muslim world will not experience massive regime change as in 1989, but neither will the effects be as ephemeral as 1968. Like 1848, this revolution will fail to transform the Muslim world or even just the Arab world. But it will plant seeds that will germinate in the coming decades. I think those seeds will be democratic, but not necessarily liberal.”
I think this is a point many conservatives miss. The present situation in the Middle East is untenable. The stability there is entirely illusory. It is the stability of a pressure cooker - before it blows. Right now, the only alternative – radical Islam – is worse. Though this may surely be the most likely outcome of overthrown governments there, at least there is a chance for a liberal democracy, maybe not now, but in the future.
But as Instapundit would say, read the whole thing.